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Albrecht: "From the current situation, the Allied Forces should be able to meet up at the Kizil River next month, and the first phase of the Allied Forces’ combat tasks will essentially be complete."

In order to better adapt to the battlefield situation and end this war as soon as possible, the Allied Command has decided to adjust military deployments.

After the partition of the Ottoman Empire is completed, the troops of various countries will be reassigned."

In the next round of strategic planning, the Russian Army will be responsible for the conquest west of the Kizil River, with a focus on quickly capturing the enemy’s capital—Ankara.

The Austrian army will be responsible for the conquest east of the Kizil River, with the strategic core being to take control of Mesopotamia and further partition the Ottoman.

Given that the Greek Army and Montenegrin Army have suffered heavy losses on the battlefield and are unable to undertake the next phase of the combat mission, the Allied Command has decided to cancel their upcoming combat tasks and allow them to rest for a month.

After the troop rest is completed, the task for both armies will be to clear local guerrilla forces and maintain stability in the newly occupied areas—specific assignments will be dispatched according to actual needs later on."

Does anyone else have questions?"

The closing question was clearly directed at Greece and Montenegro, as the division of labor between Russia and Austria had obviously been coordinated in advance.

The heavy losses were just an excuse; by kicking the Greek and Montenegrin armies out of the combat sequence, it also meant that they had lost their say in the distribution of spoils.

Montenegrin Marshal Maxim Trenchev: "No questions. Our forces have reduced by more than six hundred men, and indeed need a good rest."

Having already lost two battalions, if Maxim Trenchev’s reinforced regiment didn’t rest, it would be rendered obsolete.

Publius started to speak but then stopped himself. Now was not the time to show off strength; otherwise, if he annoyed the Allied Command, a mission of certain death would come, and Greece could ill afford to sacrifice everything they had left.

Russia and Austria could withstand casualties in the tens of thousands because they had enough troops to spare, but Greece could not.

In previous battles, the Greek Army had already suffered more than five thousand casualties, which was not much lower than Montenegro’s, significantly diminishing military morale.

...

As the situation on the battlefield became clearer, the division of spoils after the war also moved onto the agenda of the Vienna Government.

The agreements made before the war were merely oral and at most could only serve as one of the reference standards. The deciding factor in the division of spoils was strength.

The performance of each of the four countries in the Anti-Turkish Alliance on the battlefield and their contributions to the war would become the core standard for distribution after the war.

Beyond that, political influence and the feelings of allies also needed to be considered to satisfy all parties as much as possible.

Prime Minister Felix: "Although Greece and Montenegro didn’t contribute much on the battlefield, their joining brought a political bonus to the alliance.

Especially since the Greek lost an envoy, which added to the legitimacy of launching this war. These additional impacts must be taken into account by the government.

When we instigated the Armenians to start an independence movement, we promised them an independent state, and we need to give them an explanation after the war. Nôv(el)B\\jnn

The other nationalities within the Ottoman Empire that responded to the alliance also need a statement from us; we cannot let the outside world see it as a joke."

The Austrian Government—hardly yet the dominant force in the world—had many actions that were drawing closer to that of a global hegemon.

To be a leader, one cannot be without followers; if you want to win the support of the subordinates, you have to let them see tangible benefits.

While taking into account the interests of the followers, you also cannot harm your own interests; otherwise, you would become a big sucker.

Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "The ethnic groups that responded to the alliance mainly include Greeks and Slavs, which were instigated by the Greece and Russian Governments, respectively.

After the war, it can be left to the two countries to handle them, and those who do not wish to leave can also stay; after all, their numbers are small and won’t cause trouble.

The challenging part is the independence of Armenia, which involves our future strategic deployment.

Austria needs to set an example to make everyone believe that cooperation with us will lead to national independence.

Granting independence naturally requires territory, and carving out a part of the Ottoman Empire to let Armenian independence happen will inevitably reduce the gains of us and the Russians.

The most critical issue is that this place is not easily chosen. We cannot give up Mesopotamia, and we certainly can’t have a country within a country on the Asia Minor Peninsula.

The best choice is around the Caucasus Mountains where the land is barren and of the lowest value. After Armenia’s independence, it can also serve as a buffer zone, reducing the border between us and the Russians.

It’s just that the area has now fallen into Russian hands, and to get the Tsarist Government to spit it out, we will undoubtedly have to pay a heavy price."

Supporting the independence of Armenia is actually aimed at England and France and, in a sense, also hits the Russians.

In Europe, there aren’t many ethnic groups in urgent need of independence. The Irish, Italians, Polish are definitely in the top three. Following closely behind are the Bulgarians, Scots, and the Baltic nations whose consciousness for independence dips a few notches below.

The Polish can be temporarily ignored, as they have been greatly weakened in the Prusso-Russian war and won’t recover anytime soon.

The Irish and Italians are the most likely to erupt in independence movements in Europe and are key targets for the Vienna Government’s developmental strategy.

Armenia is the magnet to attract those national independence organizations to cooperate with Austria; when Austria and England and France come head to head, it is the best trump card.

Navy Minister Castagni proposed, "Perhaps we can trade helping the Russians develop their navy for the land. Now is the Era of the Seas; the Russians can’t resist."

"But the Tsarist Government has no money!"

The words of Finance Minister Carl directly caused all of Castagni’s many reasons to die in the womb.

The navy is a devourer of gold, and for a poor country to engage in naval affairs is a disaster.

Given the financial income of the Tsarist Government, achieving a balanced budget is a result of God’s blessing, and developing a navy is simply unrealistic.

Seemingly struck by a thought, Franz suddenly said, "If the Russians have no money, then we’ll make them rich.

Before that, we have to entice the Tsarist Government into taking the bait."

The navy is undergoing a technological revolution, and it won’t be long before our pile of battleships becomes obsolete.

We might as well make the best of waste, and offer a fleet to the Tsarist Government as compensation for ceding land for the independence of Armenia.

The Kingdom of Prussia is finished, and the Danish people are traditionally allies of the Russians; the last barrier in the Baltic Sea no longer exists.

Constantinople is firmly controlled by the Russians, and after the Near East war, the Black Sea has become the Tsarist’s inland lake.

We are still allies of the Russians, their gateway to the Mediterranean is wide open, and the strategic situation of the Russians could not be better.

All obstacles have vanished, and now the only thing missing is a navy. Now is the golden age for the Russians to build their navy, and someone inside the Tsarist Government will surely realize it.

Giving a fleet to the Russians and igniting the enthusiasm of the Tsarist Government to develop a navy is of great strategic significance for our next moves.

Montenegro and Greece can follow this example, if there is no land to allocate to them, we can just reward them with warships."

The Vienna Government has decided to spark a new round of naval arms race with the advent of the era of Pre-Dreadnoughts, and these battleships are bound to be phased out.

Keeping them is a burden, and there’s no international buyer wealthy enough to buy them all.

According to past practices, these unsellable warships are usually converted into merchant ships if possible, turned into training ships for schools if not, and their ultimate fate is either to be used as targets for naval shooting practice or dismantled to sell as scrap metal.

Giving them to allies can’t be called cheating, either; Austria’s outdated goods are still the main force in the hands of the Russian navy.

Navy Minister Castaigne said reluctantly, "Your Majesty, giving away ships like this is too much of a loss for us, shouldn’t we at least recoup the costs?"

Whether it’s selling second-hand warships or converting them into merchant ships, both could provide some funds for the navy, but giving them away for free means not getting a single hair.

Franz laughed and said, "Even at cost, our allies can’t afford it. Even if the price is low, I don’t think the Tsarist Government has the courage to buy a fleet.

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Besides, it’s not really for free; we are exchanging for political benefits. As for the loss of navy funds, can’t we just recoup it through after-sales service?

If that’s not enough, you can sell them a portion of smaller warships, help them with port upgrades, and spread the Austrian standard to our ally navies.

Montenegro’s navy is practically non-existent, so you can have free rein; the Greek navy still adheres to the British system, and you need to help them correct it; the Russian navy is stuck thirty years in the past, you have plenty of work to do."

Once, Franz also thought that freebies were a sign of a merchant’s conscience, but after being bruised by society, he had to admit that free goods were the most expensive.

It may seem like no money was spent on a particular service, yet the bill had already been paid elsewhere.

While giving away the warships, the Austrian navy standard can also be spread, and the benefits contained within are certainly substantial.

Just look at the army to understand; through a series of maneuvers by the Vienna Government, Austrian military equipment has become the most widely used in the world.

Over half the countries in the world use the Austrian weapon system, with Austria holding a 73.6% share of the international arms market for land weapons.

In contrast, the navy is much more pitiful, being tightly suppressed by the British on the international arms market, with a market share of less than 10%, completely misaligned with its capabilities.

"Your Majesty, the Tsarist Government’s finances are in terrible shape, making them rich is virtually impossible," Finance Minister Carl reminded.

Franz nodded, "We can sign a long-term supply contract for raw materials with the Russians, spending their future profits in advance to increase the short-term funds available to the Tsarist Government.

By helping the Russians with port upgrades, we can also trick them into making it dual-purpose for military and civilian use, and use the future port revenues to offset the initial investment.

We can mobilize our influence in Russia to create a movement, to embed the maritime age deeply into the hearts of people, exaggerating the importance of maritime power.

We can make the Tsarist Government believe that Russia is poor precisely because it abandoned the seas and clung to the land instead.

Once the Tsarist Government is hooked, we can then discuss territorial trades with them. We can quote a high price for the territories in the Russian Ukraine Region, to fatten the Tsarist Government’s purse.

We might appear to lose on the surface, but in the end, this money will still make its way back to Austria.

As long as we can incite the Russians’ ambition for the sea and guide the Tsarist Government to shift its strategy towards the Indian Ocean, we win.

If necessary, we can create a false sense of market prosperity in Russia to make the Tsarist Government believe it has regained its vitality..."

This is a grand strategy game, one might even say that since ascending to the throne, Franz has laid out the most significant strategy of all.

It’s not just about framing the Anti-Turkish Alliance; the nations of Europe and beyond are all pawns on the chessboard.

The strategic enticement of the Russians is just a minor aspect of this grander scheme, which began over a decade ago and has been adjusted several times due to changes in international affairs, with Franz barely managing to complete the setup now.

We don’t need all of our strategic plans to succeed; as long as one-third of them reach their goals, Austria is the victor.